| Preface |
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xiii | |
| About the Authors |
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xv | |
| Part I Problems and Possibilities |
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1 | (48) |
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Introduction Can People of Color Achieve Equality in City Government? The Setting and the Issues |
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3 | (1) |
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The Civil Rights Movement and Black Protest |
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3 | (2) |
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The Struggle for Democracy in City Politics |
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5 | (2) |
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7 | (3) |
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9 | (1) |
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What Is Political Power in Cities? |
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10 | (3) |
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11 | (1) |
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What Did Blacks, Then Latinos and Asians, Want of City Governments? |
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11 | (1) |
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What Forms Did the Struggle Take? |
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12 | (1) |
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Urban Politics and Economic Power |
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13 | (3) |
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16 | (1) |
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16 | (1) |
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Mobilization, Incorporation, and Policy in 10 California Cities |
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17 | (32) |
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18 | (4) |
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The Structure of the Situation---Resources of Population and Political Commitment |
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21 | (1) |
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Patterns of Minority Mobilization |
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22 | (7) |
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22 | (1) |
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23 | (3) |
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The Population Revolution |
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26 | (2) |
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Latino and Asian Mobilization |
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28 | (1) |
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Coalitions, Political Incorporation, and Responsiveness |
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29 | (14) |
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Did Minority Incorporation Make Governments More Responsive? |
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31 | (3) |
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From the Struggle to Overcome Exclusion to the Politics of Issue-Based Coalitions |
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34 | (2) |
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The Bottom Line on Political Incorporation |
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36 | (3) |
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City Government Employment |
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39 | (3) |
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Civilian Police Review Boards |
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42 | (1) |
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43 | (2) |
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Present Problems and Emerging Threats |
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45 | (1) |
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46 | (1) |
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47 | (2) |
| Part II Biracial Coalition |
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49 | (64) |
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Post-Incorporation Politics in Los Angeles |
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51 | (26) |
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52 | (2) |
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The Rise of a Biracial Coalition |
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54 | (2) |
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Did Minorities Benefit from the Biracial Coalition? |
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56 | (4) |
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56 | (1) |
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Affirmative Action in City Hiring |
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56 | (1) |
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57 | (2) |
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59 | (1) |
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59 | (1) |
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The Decline and Fall of the Biracial Coalition |
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60 | (3) |
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The Rise of a Conservative Coalition |
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63 | (2) |
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Minority Incorporation in the Riordan Era |
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65 | (3) |
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Secession, Latinos, and the 2001 Elections |
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68 | (5) |
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Whither Minority Politics in Los Angeles? |
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73 | (2) |
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75 | (2) |
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Philadelphia's Evolving Biracial Coalition |
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77 | (36) |
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78 | (1) |
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Incremental Construction of a Biracial Reform Coalition |
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79 | (1) |
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The Short Ladder of Black Patronage |
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80 | (1) |
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Protest Stimulus and Reform Response |
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81 | (1) |
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Rizzo Unifies the Opposition: The Reform--Black Alliance of the 1970s |
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82 | (1) |
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Electoral Mobilization and Formation of a Dominant Biracial Coalition |
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83 | (4) |
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Electing the First Black Mayor |
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87 | (1) |
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Who Got What? Evaluating Goode's Record |
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88 | (6) |
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94 | (1) |
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95 | (1) |
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Fault Lines After the First Black Mayor |
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96 | (2) |
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Mayoral Primaries of 1999 |
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98 | (4) |
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The General Election of 1999 |
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102 | (4) |
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106 | (3) |
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109 | (1) |
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110 | (3) |
| Part III Barriers to Coalitions |
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113 | (86) |
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New York: Still the Great Anomaly |
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115 | (28) |
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New York as an Anomalous Case |
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117 | (6) |
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Why New York Is an Anomaly: Machine Politics, the Decay of White Reform, Interethnic Competition, and Co-optation |
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123 | (6) |
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How New York Elected a Black Mayor, and Why He Was Defeated |
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129 | (3) |
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The Failure of Liberal Biracial Politics in 2001 |
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132 | (4) |
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Lessons for the Theory and Practice of Biracial Coalition Formation |
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136 | (3) |
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139 | (4) |
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Chicago Politics: Political Incorporation and Restoration |
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143 | (24) |
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144 | (1) |
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Chicago's Racial and Ethnic Contenders |
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145 | (4) |
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148 | (1) |
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The Search for an Electoral and Governing Coalition |
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149 | (4) |
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The Balance of Power: Demographics and Partisan Politics |
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149 | (4) |
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153 | (5) |
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Mobilization and Government |
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153 | (2) |
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Liberal Tendencies and African-American Political Incorporation |
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155 | (3) |
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Mayor Richard M. Daley: Restoration of the Old Regime or Incorporation of a New One? |
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158 | (4) |
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158 | (3) |
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161 | (1) |
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162 | (1) |
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163 | (4) |
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San Francisco: The Politics of Race, Land Use, and Ideology |
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167 | (32) |
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San Francisco as a Liberal Oasis and City of Refuge |
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169 | (3) |
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San Francisco as a Majority-Minority City |
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172 | (8) |
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Shifts and Trends in the City's Racial and Ethnic Diversity |
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173 | (1) |
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San Francisco's Immigrants |
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174 | (2) |
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Racial/Ethnic Group Differences and Disparities in Needs and Resources |
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176 | (2) |
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Political Mobilization and Incorporation of Racial and Ethnic Minorities |
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178 | (2) |
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Political Chemistry of Multiracial Coalition Building in San Francisco |
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180 | (5) |
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Case 1: Racial/Ethnic Group Voting on Materialist Issues |
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182 | (1) |
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Case 2: Racial/Ethnic Group Voting on a Postmaterialist Issue and a Materialist Issue |
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183 | (2) |
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San Francisco's First Black Mayor: The Willie Brown Years |
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185 | (5) |
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Running for Mayor: The 1995 Election |
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185 | (1) |
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Charter Reforms Increase Mayoral Authority |
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186 | (1) |
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Return of District Elections |
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186 | (1) |
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``What Mayors Are Known For'': Mayor Brown's Land Use and Development Projects |
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187 | (1) |
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Invasion of the Dot-Coms, Displacement Impacts, and Growth Control Wars, Round 2 |
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188 | (1) |
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Willie Brown Versus Tom Ammiano: The Voter Revolt of 1999 |
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188 | (2) |
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``A Perfect Political Storm'': The November 7, 2000, Election |
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190 | (3) |
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The Dot-Com Invasion, Proposition L, Anti--Willie Brown, and District Elections |
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190 | (1) |
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The Outcome: A New Progressive Supermajority and the Collapse of the Willie Brown Machine |
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191 | (2) |
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Beyond Racial and Identity Politics: A New Urban Progressivism? |
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193 | (2) |
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195 | (1) |
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Notes on the Roper Social Capital Benchmark Survey, 2000 |
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195 | (1) |
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Notes on Estimates of Voter Turnout Rate (% of the VAP) in the November 7, 2000, Election |
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195 | (1) |
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Notes on Construction of the San Francisco Progressive Voting Index |
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195 | (1) |
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196 | (3) |
| Part IV Class and Leadership in the South |
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199 | (80) |
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Is Strong Incorporation Enough? Black Empowerment and the Fate of Atlanta's Low-Income Blacks |
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201 | (26) |
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The Land of Milk and Honey: Population and Employment Growth in the Atlanta Region |
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203 | (3) |
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Black Mobilization and Weak Incorporation, 1949--1969 |
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206 | (2) |
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Black Power and Strong Incorporation, 1974--Present |
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208 | (8) |
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The Jackson Regime, 1973--1981 |
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209 | (2) |
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The Young Regime, 1981--1989 |
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211 | (1) |
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The Campbell Regime, 1993--2001 |
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212 | (1) |
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The Franklin Regime, 2001--Present |
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213 | (3) |
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Government Responsiveness |
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216 | (6) |
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City Government Employment |
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216 | (2) |
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218 | (2) |
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220 | (1) |
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221 | (1) |
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Why the Black Poor Have Not Benefited from Black Power |
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222 | (2) |
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224 | (1) |
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224 | (3) |
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The Evolution and Impact of Biracial Coalitions and Black Mayors in Birmingham and New Orleans |
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227 | (28) |
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Difference in Mayoral Style and Managing Conflict |
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232 | (3) |
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The Impact of Black Political Incorporation on Governmental Actions and Policies |
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235 | (9) |
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Police Treatment of Citizens |
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235 | (3) |
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238 | (2) |
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240 | (2) |
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Minority Business Assistance |
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242 | (2) |
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The Social and Economic Impact of Increased Allocation of Governmental Resources to African Americans |
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244 | (1) |
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Biracial Coalitions in the 1990s |
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245 | (2) |
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New Developments in Birmingham and New Orleans Politics |
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247 | (3) |
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250 | (2) |
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252 | (3) |
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The Struggle for Black Empowerment in Baltimore |
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255 | (24) |
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256 | (15) |
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Machine Politics and the Black Community |
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258 | (1) |
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Baltimore City Council, 1955--2000 |
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259 | (3) |
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Baltimore's Failure to Elect a Black Mayor |
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262 | (1) |
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The Schaefer Years: 1971--1987 |
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263 | (1) |
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The Election of Kurt Schmoke |
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264 | (4) |
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The 1999 Election of Martin O'Malley |
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268 | (3) |
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271 | (3) |
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274 | (5) |
| Part V Latinos |
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279 | (52) |
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Power Without a Program: Hispanic Incorporation in Miami |
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281 | (28) |
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The Political Geography of Metropolitan Miami |
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285 | (6) |
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Ethnic Diversity and Neighborhood Settlement Patterns |
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285 | (3) |
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Metro's Structure and Minority Group Representation |
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288 | (3) |
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Changing Political Fortunes |
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291 | (10) |
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An End to Non-Hispanic White Dominance in a Pervasive Political--Economic Context |
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292 | (2) |
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Black Incorporation and the Limits of Structural Reform |
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294 | (4) |
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The Political and Economic Dimensions of Hispanic Incorporation |
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298 | (3) |
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Increasing System Complexity |
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301 | (4) |
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302 | (3) |
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305 | (1) |
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306 | (3) |
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Latinos, Blacks, and Multiethnic Politics in Denver: Realigning Power and Influence in the Struggle for Equality |
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309 | (22) |
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Upsetting the ``Steady-State'' in Multiethnic Politics in Denver |
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310 | (1) |
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310 | (1) |
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Preconditions to Minority Mobilization |
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311 | (3) |
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311 | (1) |
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Demand-Protest Activities |
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312 | (1) |
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Population Size and Relative Inequalities |
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312 | (2) |
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Governmental Structure and Political Constituencies |
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314 | (1) |
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Minority Representation and Incorporation |
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314 | (6) |
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314 | (2) |
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316 | (2) |
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Accounting for Relatively High Latino and Black Political Incorporation |
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318 | (2) |
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320 | (6) |
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City Government Employment |
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320 | (1) |
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321 | (1) |
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Membership on City Boards and Commissions |
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322 | (1) |
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Civilian Police Review Board |
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323 | (1) |
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324 | (2) |
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326 | (2) |
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328 | (3) |
| Part VI Strategies and Prospects |
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331 | (58) |
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The Prospects for Multiracial Coalitions: Lessons from America's Three Largest Cities |
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333 | (24) |
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334 | (4) |
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New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago |
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338 | (3) |
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341 | (2) |
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343 | (4) |
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347 | (4) |
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Minority Incorporation and Multiracial Coalitions |
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351 | (2) |
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353 | (1) |
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354 | (3) |
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Has Political Incorporation Been Achieved? Is It Enough? |
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357 | (32) |
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Mobilization and Incorporation: Fundamentals |
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358 | (2) |
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Weak and Strong Forms of Minority Incorporation |
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358 | (1) |
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Interest Group and Electoral Strategies |
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359 | (1) |
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The Importance of Coalitions |
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359 | (1) |
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The Importance of Leadership |
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360 | (1) |
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Group Size and Patterns of Mobilization |
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360 | (1) |
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Barriers to Incorporation |
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361 | (5) |
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362 | (1) |
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Fragmentation of Minority Groups |
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363 | (1) |
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Issues, Interests, and the Loss of White Support |
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364 | (2) |
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The Increasing Significance of Latinos and Asians in the New Urban Landscape |
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366 | (3) |
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Latino and Asian Mobilization and Coalition Formation |
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366 | (2) |
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Latino and Asian Incorporation |
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368 | (1) |
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Black Political Incorporation: Is It in Decline? |
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369 | (1) |
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Defeat or Evolution in a New Era? |
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370 | (4) |
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Defeat and Its Consequences |
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370 | (1) |
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Evolution and Complexity: Settings and Scenarios |
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371 | (3) |
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374 | (1) |
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Have Minority Regimes Been Responsive? |
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374 | (3) |
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City Government Employment |
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375 | (1) |
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Police--Community Relations |
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375 | (1) |
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Development of Minority Businesses |
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376 | (1) |
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Appointments to Boards and Commissions |
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376 | (1) |
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Structural Limits and Institutional Capacity |
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377 | (2) |
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379 | (1) |
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380 | (6) |
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380 | (1) |
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381 | (1) |
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381 | (1) |
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382 | (1) |
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New Agendas and New Tasks for Leaders |
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383 | (3) |
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386 | (3) |
| Index |
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389 | |
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