Summary

This provocative and unflinching analysis of Europe's unexpected demographic revolution focuses on the increasingly assertive Muslim populations shaping the continent's future.

Author Biography

[author photo]CHRISTOPHER CALDWELL is a columnist for the Financial Times, a contributing writer for the New York Times Magazine, and a senior editor at the Weekly Standard. He lives in Washington, D.C.

Immigration
Rivers of blood	p. 3
The rights and wrongs of Enoch Powell	p. 4
How much immigration is there?	p. 8
Muslim immigration	p. 9
Europe's population problem	p. 13
Civilization and decadence	p. 16
Diversity is overrated	p. 18
Can you have the same Europe with different people?	p. 20
The Immigrant Economy	p. 23
How postwar migration came about	p. 23
The unprecedented scale of recent immigration	p. 27
The capitalist argument: Rescuing moribund industries	p. 31
Jobs nobody wants	p. 34
The socialist argument: Rescuing the welfare state	p. 37
Who Is Immigration For?	p. 43
Good immigrants and bad	p. 44
Is immigration for natives or immigrants?	p. 46
Welfare and white flight	p. 48
Polish plumbers	p. 52
Barcelona or death	p. 54
The duty of hospitality	p. 59
Asylum and human rights	p. 61
Asylum and democracy	p. 65
Fear Masquerading as Tolerance	p. 68
Neutrality and political correctness	p. 70
The criminalization of opinion	p. 73
Grievance groups	p. 77
Diversity and self-loathing	p. 82
Second-class citizens	p. 84
Islam
Ethnic Colonies	p. 91
Europe's historic understanding of Islam	p. 91
Muslim populations, present and future	p. 95
Rejuvenation of run-down neighborhoods	p. 98
Architecture and segregation	p. 99
Lawless zones	p. 102
Segregation or self-segregation?	p. 104
Spaces of sharia	p. 108
Violence, crime, and rioting	p. 111
The banlieue riots and Islam	p. 115
Tribalism, ideology, and escalation	p. 117
An Adversary Culture	p. 120
Jus soli and jus sanguinis, assimilation and integration	p. 121
The illusion of diversity	p. 125
Islam as a hyper-identity	p. 129
Dual loyalty	p. 131
Humiliation and Islamophobia	p. 135
Muslims and U.S. blacks	p. 139
Europe's Crisis of Faith	p. 142
Religious resurgence	p. 143
Islam and European believers	p. 144
Islam and European unbelievers	p. 148
Benedict XVI: New ideas about belief and unbelief	p. 151
Western sympathy with, and conversion to, Islam	p. 154
The European model of managing religion	p. 157
Organizing religious bodies	p. 161
Freedom of religion = Freedom of Islam	p. 164
The Danish cartoon crisis	p. 167
Rules for Sex	p. 172
Sexual freedom as a non-negotiable European demand	p. 173
Virginity and violence	p. 175
Islam or custom?	p. 178
The appeal of sharia	p. 180
Arranged marriages	p. 183
The Danish marriage law	p. 187
Controversies over the headscarf	p. 189
The French veil law	p. 193
Compulsory liberation	p. 195
The West
Tolerance and Impunity	p. 203
Political self-assertion as a turning point	p. 204
Intimidation and self-defense	p. 207
The politics of terror	p. 210
Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism	p. 212
ôThe Communism of the twenty-first centuryö	p. 217
Resistance and Jihad	p. 221
Poverty, occupation, lost grandeur, and other grievances	p. 222
Islam and violence	p. 226
ôIslam is peaceö	p. 229
Moderate Muslims	p. 232
Tariq Ramadan and double language	p. 237
Resistance and jihad	p. 242
Liberalism and Diversity	p. 246
Immigration, Islam, and the European Union	p. 247
The project to bring Turkey into Europe	p. 250
Pim Fortuyn and the weakness of the West	p. 252
ôRightismö and ôfascismö in the context of immigration and Islam	p. 256
The Danish People's Party	p. 259
Nicolas Sarkozy and the strength of the republic	p. 261
Affirmative action	p. 265
Survival and Culture	p. 269
Europe's duty to the world	p. 270
European emancipation from America	p. 273
The American model of a multiethnic society, and the Ottoman model	p. 276
From ôIslam is peaceö to ôLove it or leave itö	p. 281
Two types of utility	p. 284
Bibliography	p. 287
Notes	p. 292
Index	p. 341
Acknowledgments	p. 365
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Excerpts

Chapter 1: Rivers of Blood

The rights and wrongs of Enoch Powell--How much immigration is there?--Muslim immigration--Europe's population problem--Civilization and decadence-- Diversity is overrated--Can you have the same Europe with different people?

Western Europe became a multiethnic society in a fit of absence of mind. Mass immigration began--with little public debate, it would later be stressed--in the decade after the Second World War. Industries and government in Britain, France, Germany, the Low Countries, and Scandinavia set up programs to recruit manpower to their booming postwar economies. They invited immigrants. Some of the newcomers took positions, particularly in heavy industry, that now look enviably secure and well-paid. But others worked in the hardest, most thankless, and most dangerous occupations that European industry had to offer. Many had been loyal colonial subjects, and had even borne arms for European powers.

Europe became a destination for immigration as a result of consensus among its political and commercial elites. Those elites, to the extent they thought about the long-term consequences at all, made certain assumptions: Immigrants would be few in number. Since they were coming to fill short-term gaps in the labor force, most would stay in Europe only temporarily. Some might stay longer. No one assumed they would ever be eligible for welfare. That they would retain the habits and cultures of southern villages, clans, marketplaces, and mosques was a thought too bizarre to entertain.

Almost all of the assumptions with which mass immigration began proved false. As soon as they did, Europe's welcome to the world's poor was withdrawn--at first ambiguously, through the oratory of a few firebrand politicians in the 1960s, then explicitly through hard-line legislation against immigration in the 1970s. Decade in, decade out, the sentiment of Western European publics, as measured by opinion polls, has been resolutely opposed to mass immigration. But that is the beginning, not the end of our story. The revocation of Europe's invitation to immigrants, no matter how explicit it became, did little to stem their arrival. As the years passed, immigration to Europe accelerated. At no point were Europeans invited to assess its long-term costs and benefits.

The rights and wrongs of Enoch Powell

On April 20, 1968, two weeks after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. and the race riots that it sparked in Washington and other U.S. cities, the British Tory parliamentarian Enoch Powell made a speech at the Midland Hotel in Birmingham that has haunted the European political imagination ever since. Powell was talking about the arrival, modest up to that point, of "coloured" former colonial subjects, primarily from the Indian subcontinent but also from the Caribbean. At the time, this migration had changed the face of only a very limited number of urban neighborhoods. Powell implied that the long-term consequence would be ghettoes like the ones in America that were burning as he spoke. "We must be mad," he said, "literally mad, as a nation, to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependants, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population. It is like watching a nation busily engaged in heaping up its own funeral pyre." Citing the poet Virgil, Powell warned, "I seem to see 'the River Tiber foaming with much blood.'"

Half a year later, in the course of an even more ominous speech to the Rotary Club of London, he warned that, should immigration proceed at the current pace,

"the urban part of whole towns and cities in Yorkshire, the Midlands and the Home Counties would be preponderantly or exclusively Afro-Asian in population. There would be several Washingtons in England. From those whole areas the indigenous population, the people of England, who fondly imagine that this is their

Excerpted from Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam, and the West by Christopher Caldwell
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