9780199271085

Simpler Syntax

by ;
  • ISBN13:

    9780199271085

  • ISBN10:

    0199271089

  • Format: Hardcover
  • Copyright: 2005-09-15
  • Publisher: Oxford University Press

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Summary

This title includes the following features: A fundamental reappraisal ofsyntactic theory by two of the world's leading linguists; Includes a criticalhistory of four decades of syntactic theory and analysis; Reformulates thesyntax/semantics interface; Presents a new and compelling account of thelanguage faculty; Multidisciplinary appeal in cognitive and computationalscience

Author Biography


Peter W. Culicover is Chair of the Department of Linguistics and former Director of the Center for Cognitive Science at the Ohio State University. His books include Formal Principles of Language Acquisition (1980, with Kenneth Wexler), Principles and Parameters (1997), Syntactic Nuts (1999), and Dynamical Grammar (2003, with Andrzej Nowak).
Ray Jackendoff is Professor of Philosophy and Co-director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Tufts University. He was previously Professor of Linguistics at Brandeis University. His books include Semantics and Cognition (1983), Consciousness and the Computational Mind (1987), A Generative Theory of Tonal Music (1982, with Fred Lerdahl), and Foundations of Language (2002). He is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and a past president of the Linguistic Association of America and of the Society for Philosophy and Psychology.

Table of Contents

Preface xiv
Acknowledgements xvi
PART I CUTTING SYNTAX DOWN TO SIZE
Why Simpler Syntax?
3(41)
Different notions of simplicity
3(3)
A sample argument: Bare Argument Ellipsis
6(3)
The goals of linguistic theory
9(5)
The architecture of the grammar
14(11)
Constraints rather than derivations
15(1)
No ``hidden levels'' of syntax
16(1)
Multiple sources of combinatoriality
17(3)
Conceptual Structure
20(2)
Combinatorial autonomy of syntax and semantics
22(3)
The continuum from words to rules; ``syntactic nuts'' and the core/periphery distinction
25(12)
Words that go in the wrong place
26(3)
Sluice-stranding
29(3)
Constructional idioms in the VP
32(5)
Core grammar and its relation to UG
37(7)
How Did We Get Here? Principles and Early History of Mainstream Syntax
44(29)
Principles of argumentation in mainstream syntax
45(11)
General considerations
45(1)
Uniformity
46(4)
A consequence of Occam's Razor applied locally: VP-shells
50(6)
Syntactic Structures through early PPT: transformational passive and its consequences
56(17)
Uniform lexical projection and passive
57(4)
The Structure-Preserving Hypothesis
61(1)
Raising to subject
62(2)
(No) Raising to object
64(3)
Government and binding
67(3)
Trace theory and quantifier movement
70(3)
Later History of Mainstream Syntax
73(34)
Late PPT: UTAH, Head Movement, and beyond
73(15)
UTAH and its consequences
73(6)
Further consequences of Head movement
79(3)
Branching
82(2)
Agreement through movement
84(4)
The Minimalist Program
88(6)
Perfection
88(4)
Derivational economy
92(2)
Uniformity entails Generative Semantics
94(9)
MP meets GS
94(1)
Classic cases
95(5)
How is this possible?
100(3)
The alternative
103(4)
Flat Structure
107(44)
Introduction
107(1)
Overview of syntactic structure
108(4)
In-principle arguments for binary branching
112(5)
Learnability
112(1)
Binary branching as a desideratum of minimalism
113(2)
C-command and unambiguous paths
115(2)
Empirical arguments for right-branching
117(7)
The structure of the evidence
117(1)
Binding of anaphors
118(4)
C-command and quantifier binding
122(2)
Arguments for left-branching
124(11)
Basic arguments from VP anaphora
124(4)
Arguments/adjuncts in VP
128(3)
Small clauses
131(4)
NP structure
135(8)
NP complements
136(3)
NP specifiers
139(4)
A sketch of English phrase structure
143(8)
PART II THE SYNTAX--SEMANTICS INTERFACE
Basic Clause Structure
151(36)
Looking ahead
151(2)
Overview of CS
153(5)
Carving out the words and morphemes
158(5)
Default principles for determining syntactic embedding
163(7)
Constraining (most of) linear order
170(3)
What a verb can say about its arguments
173(9)
Obligatory vs. optional semantic arguments
174(2)
Category of syntactic arguments
176(2)
Direct vs. oblique NP arguments
178(2)
Syntactic argument structure alternations
180(2)
Hierarchical linking of direct NP arguments
182(5)
The Grammatical Function Tier
187(46)
The need for grammatical functions
187(4)
The Grammatical Function tier and Raising
191(11)
Some basic cases
191(2)
Absent subjects: Controlled VPs and pro-drop
193(3)
Dummy subjects
196(1)
Raising
197(5)
Passive
202(13)
Standard cases and interaction with raising
202(4)
Passive VPs as complements and modifiers
206(1)
Prepositional passives: extension of the GF-tier to oblique arguments
207(3)
Passives that skip over arguments
210(2)
Things that don't undergo passive
212(3)
Binding of reflexives in the GF-tier
215(7)
Bells and whistles
222(8)
The light verb construction
222(3)
VP constructions
225(2)
Coercions
227(3)
Concluding remarks
230(3)
Bare Argument Ellipsis and its Relatives
233(50)
Introduction
233(3)
Nonsentential utterance types
236(3)
Problems for a syntactic account of bare argument ellipsis
239(9)
Reasons to believe syntax is involved in BAE
248(6)
The generalizations behind indirect licensing
254(4)
A mechanism for indirect licensing
258(8)
Sluicing and sluice-stranding
266(7)
Gapping
273(10)
Reasons why gapping cannot be syntactic deletion
273(2)
Gapping as double BAE
275(3)
The gapped fragment is not an S
278(5)
VP Ellipsis and its Relatives
283(18)
Do X anaphora, it happen anaphora, VP ellipsis, pseudo-gapping, and one-anaphora
283(13)
The facts
284(1)
Reasons not to derive the constructions from full VPs
284(5)
Treatment of the constructions in terms of indirect licensing
289(3)
Pseudo-gapping
292(4)
Some arguments that VP ellipsis must be syntactic deletion
296(2)
Summary of Chapters 7 and 8
298(3)
Discontinuous Dependencies
301(54)
There is no A'-movement
302(5)
Wh-questions
307(13)
Simple wh-questions
307(4)
Comparison of movement and non-movement
311(2)
In situ wh and pied-piping
313(7)
Other wh-constructions
320(7)
The signature of a long-distance dependency
320(1)
Other wh-constructions in English
321(3)
Chains and wh-in situ
324(3)
Island constraints
327(15)
Against intermediate traces of movement
327(3)
Slash-categories
330(2)
Where do constraints come from?
332(2)
Semantic constraints on long-distance dependencies
334(4)
Topicalization, left and right dislocation, and connectivity
338(4)
Tough movement
342(5)
Other candidates for movement
347(4)
Heavy shift
347(3)
Scrambling
350(1)
Summary
351(4)
PART III BINDING AND CONTROL
Mme Tussaud meets the Binding Theory
355(34)
Introduction
355(1)
The problem
356(3)
Interaction of the statue rule with binding
359(1)
The Pragmatic Option
360(3)
The Syntactic Option
363(8)
Interaction of the Syntactic Option with binding
364(2)
A deletion can't work anyway
366(2)
An apparently better version of the Syntactic Option
368(3)
The Interface Option
371(2)
Reconceiving binding theory
373(6)
Formalizing and generalizing parts of Principle Acs
379(10)
The `statue' sentences and other coercions
379(4)
Verbs whose meanings involve representations or information
383(4)
Final remarks
387(2)
Something else for the Binding Theory
389(26)
Introduction
389(4)
How else behaves
393(5)
Contra-indexing and extended anaphora
398(6)
Against contra-indexing
398(1)
Quantifier + else is compositional
399(2)
Condition C and Crossover
401(2)
Sloppy identity
403(1)
Else is not other than α in syntax
404(8)
Syntactic reconstruction is not possible with ``extended anaphors''
405(1)
Syntactic reconstruction is impossible because there need be no possible syntactic realization
406(1)
The reconstructed antecedent of else need not be a constituent in syntax
407(3)
Putting the pieces together
410(2)
Summary
412(3)
The Semantic Basis of Control in English
415(58)
Introduction
415(2)
A typology of control
417(10)
Motivation for pursuing a semantic solution
417(3)
One purely syntactic dimension: possibility of a local subject
420(1)
Free control, nearly free control, and unique control
421(4)
Control in adjunct clauses
425(2)
Actional complements
427(5)
Unique control by objects and by subjects
432(12)
Unique control is determined by semantic roles
432(6)
Some communication verbs and some adjectives with unique control
438(6)
Toward a semantically based theory of unique control
444(7)
Coercion that shifts control
451(8)
The bring about coercion
452(2)
The someone allow coercion
454(5)
Partial control and the joint intention coercion
459(5)
Further problems
464(5)
Four more cases of control
464(1)
Obviative vs. non-obviative control
465(1)
Parallels with reflexives
466(1)
Control of nominals
467(2)
Conclusions
469(4)
PART IV CONNECTIONS BETWEEN CLAUSES
Semantic Subordination Despite Syntactic Coordination
473(27)
Introduction
473(2)
A conditional reading of and
475(3)
LS-and is not a subordinating conjunction
478(3)
Interactions with binding
481(4)
Extraction
485(6)
Inversion and extraction within main clause S-and LS-S
491(3)
Asymmetric coordination ≠ semantic subordination
494(4)
Summary
498(2)
The View from the Periphery: The English Comparative Correlative
500(30)
Introduction to the CC construction
500(4)
Evidence for the left-subordinate hypothesis
504(3)
Evidence for the paratactic hypothesis
507(2)
The internal structure of CC-clauses
509(8)
The subject requirement and be-omission in CC-clauses
509(2)
The usual constraints on long-distance dependency
511(2)
The upper end of the long-distance dependency
513(2)
Behavior of the more compared to other specifiers of QP
515(2)
Binding
517(4)
Extraction from CC
521(5)
Summary and consequences for UG
526(4)
What Is Language Like? Moving On
530(18)
Where have we gotten?
530(6)
Special properties of the present approach
536(4)
Two aesthetics
540(4)
Where do we go from here?
544(4)
References 548(27)
Index 575

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