The Mexico Reader: History, Culture, Politics

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  • Format: Paperback
  • Copyright: 2003-01-01
  • Publisher: Duke Univ Pr
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"This is a discerning and skillful selection of readings on Mexico from the time of the Spanish Conquest to the turbulent modernity of our own era. It provides a valuable key to unlocking the doors of knowledge and understanding of Mexico's history, society, and politics--its modern culture as well as its ancient indigenous and Iberian roots. Whoever opens Gilbert M. Joseph and Timothy J. Henderson's "Mexico Reader "will discover unsuspected landscapes and will want to read more and more."--Adolfo Gilly, National Autonomous University of Mexico

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments xi
A Note on Style xiii
Introduction 1(8)
I The Search for ``Lo Mexicano''
The Mexican Character
Joel Poinsett
The Cosmic Race
Jose Vasconcelos
The Sons of La Malinche
Octavio Paz
The Problem of National Culture
Guillermo Bonfil Batalla
Does It Mean Anything to Be Mexican?
Roger Bartra
Mexico City 1992
Alma Guillermoprieto
Two Ranchera Songs
Jose Alfredo Jimenez
Cuco Sanchez
II Ancient Civilizations
The Origins of the Aztecs
The Cost of Courage in Aztec Society
Inga Clendinnen
Popol Vuh
The Meaning of Maize for the Maya
J. Eric Thompson
Omens Foretelling the Conquest
III Conquest and Colony
The Spaniards' Entry into Tenochtitlan
Bernal Diaz del Castillo
Hernan Cortes
Cortes and Montezuma
J. H. Eliott
The Battles of Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco
The Spiritual Conquest
Fray Jeronimo de Mendieta
Why the Indians Are Dying
Alonso de Zorita
The Colonial Latifundio
Enrique Florescano
A Baroque Archbishop-Viceroy
Irving Leonard
On Men's Hypocrisy
Sor Juana
The Itching Parrot, the Priest, and the Subdelegate
Jose Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi
IV Trials of the Young Republic
The Siege of Guanajuato
Lucas Alaman
Sentiments of the Nation
Jose Maria Morelos
Plan of Iguala
Agustin de Iturbide
Women and War in Mexico
Frances Calderon de la Barca
The Glorious Revolution of 1844
Guillermo Prieto
Decimas Dedicated to Santa Anna's Leg
War and Finance, Mexican Style
Juan Bautista Morales
A Conservative Profession of Faith, The Editors of El Tiempo
Considerations Relating to the Political and Social Situation
Mariano Otero
Liberals and the Land
Luis Gonzalez
Standard Plots and Rural Resistance
Raymond B. Craib
Offer of the Crown to Maximilian, Junta of Conservative Notables
A Letter from Mexico
Empress Carlotta
The Triumph of the Republic
Benito Juarez
Pofirio Diaz Visits Yucatan
Channing Arnold
Frederick J. Tabor Frost
Scenes from a Lumber Camp
B. Traven
President Diaz, Hero of the Americas
James Creelman
Gift of the Skeletons
Special Section
Mexican History in Photographs
John Mraz
V Revolution
Land and Liberty
Ricardo Flores Magon
Plan of Ayala
Emiliano Zapata
The Restoration of the Ejido
Luis Cabrera
Zapatistas in the Palace
Martin Luis Guzman
Mexico Has Been Turned into a Hell
William O. Jenkins
Pancho Villa
John Reed
La Punitiva
Pedro Martinez
Oscar Lewis
Juan the Chamula
Ricardo Pozas
The Constitution of 1917: Articles 27 and 123
An Agrarian Encounter
Rosalie Evans
Ode to Cuauhtemoc
Carlos Pellicer
The Socialist ABC's
The Ballad of Valentin of the Sierra
Mexico Must Become a Nation of Institutions and Laws
Plutarco Elias Calles
The Formation of the Single-Party State
Carlos Fuentes
The Rough and Tumble Career of Pedro Crespo
Gilbert M. Joseph
Allen Wells
A Convention in Zacapu
Salvador Lemus Fernandez
The Agrarian Reform in La Laguna
Fernando Benitez
The Oil Expropriation
Josephus Daniels
Cardenas and the Masses
Arturo Anguiano
VI The Perils of Modernity
They Gave Us the Land
Juan Rulfo
Mexico's Crisis
Daniel Cosio Villegas
Struggles of a Campesino Leader
Ruben Jaramillo
Art and Corruption
David Alfaro Siqueiros
The Two Faces of Acapulco during the Golden Age
Andrew Sackett
Sid Tepper
Roy C. Bennett
The Dark Deeds of ``El Negro'' Durazo
Jose Gonzalez G.
The Sinking City
Joel Simon
Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl
Roberto Vallarino
Modesta Gomez
Rosario Castellanos
VII From the Ruins
The Student Movement of 1968
Elena Poniatowska
El Santo's Strange Career
Anne Rubenstein
After the Earthquake, Victims' Coordinating Council
Letters to Cuauhtemoc Cardenas
Corazon del Rocanrol
Ruben Martinez
I Don't Believe Them at All
Maldita Vecindad
los Hijos del Quinto Patio
Identity Hour
Carlos Monsivais
The COCEI of Juchitan, Oaxaca: Two Documents
Leopoldo de Gyves de la Cruz
Women of Juchitan
Jeffrey W. Rubin
EZLN Demands at the Dialogue Table, Zapatista Army of National Liberation
The Long Journey from Despair to Hope
Subcomandante Marcos
A Tzotzil Chronicle
Marian Peres Tsu
Debtors' Revenge
Heather Williams
Mexicans Would Not Be Bought, Coerced
Wayne A. Cornelius
VIII The Border and Beyond
Plan of San Diego
The Mexican Connection
Rudolfo Acuna
The Maquiladoras
William Langewiesche
Dompe Days
Luis Alberto Urrea
Pedro P., Coyote
Judith Adler Hellman
There's a Party Going On in Texas
Two Poems about Immigrant Life
Pat Mora
Gina Valdes
The Deadly Harvest of the Sierra Madre
Alan Weisman
Two Songs about Drug Smuggling
Salome Gutierrez
Paulino Vargas
The New World Border
Guillermo Gomez-Pena
Suggestions for Further Reading 757(6)
Acknowledgment of Copyrights 763(10)
Index 773


The Mexican Character

Joel Poinsett

Today, Joel Roberts Poinsett's chief claim to fame in the United States is as the man who brought home the Mexican "Christmas flower," which came to be called the poinsettia. Despite this innocent association, however, few figures in Mexican history have excited quite such passionate controversy. Born in Charleston, South Carolina, Poinsett (1779-1851) first became involved in Latin American affairs in 1811 as special envoy from President James Monroe to Chile. Returning to the United States in 1813, he pursued a political career in the South Carolina legislature and in the U.S. House of Representatives, to which he was elected in 1821. In 1822 he traveled to the Mexico of Agustín Iturbide and authored a short book on the subject, Notes on Mexico. In 1825 he was appointed U.S. Ambassador to Mexico. He later would serve as Secretary of War in the cabinet of President Martin Van Buren.

From the outset of his tenure as ambassador to Mexico, Poinsett was an outspoken proponent of U.S.-style liberalism: decentralized, constitutional, republican government; anticlericalism; and free trade. A substantial number of influential Mexicans found such activity decidedly pernicious, and their antipathy toward him was exacerbated by the fact that the ambassador advocated extending the southern boundary of the United States to the Rio Grande. Poinsett found like-minded cohorts in the York Rite Masonic Lodge, which he helped to organize in Mexico. The York Rite Masons (orYorkinos) were rivals of the Scottish Rite Masons (or Escoceses), and the two lodges increasingly emerged as bitter, secretive political clubs. The sub rosa nature of these political organizations was conducive to conspiratorial thinking, and Conservative Escoceses became increasingly convinced that Poinsett was a subversive foreign agent seeking deliberately to weaken and undermine Mexico.

As will be seen from the following excerpt from an 1829 letter to Secretary of State Martin Van Buren, Poinsett had a pessimistic view of the Mexican character and of the nation's potential for progress. Poinsett's generalizations might serve as a compendium of North American stereotypes of Mexicans to this day.

The character of this people cannot be understood, nor the causes of their present condition be fully developed without recurring to the oppression under which they formerly laboured. It would lead you into error to compare them with the free and civilized nations of America and Europe in the Nineteenth Century. They started from a period nearer to the age of Charles the fifth, and it is even a matter of some doubt whether this Nation had advanced one step in knowledge and civilization, from the time of the conquest to the moment of declaring themselves Independent. No portion of the Spanish dominions in America was watched over by the Mother Country with such jealous care as Mexico. Its comparatively dense population, its extensive and fertile territory, its rich and varied productions, and especially its mineral wealth, rendered it a source of great profit to Spain; while the history of the ancient splendour of Mexico, and the glory of its conquest could not fail to enhance the value of its possession in the eyes of that chivalrous people. In order to preserve that possession every precaution was taken that human prudence could devise to prevent the access of strangers to Mexico and to keep the people in profound ignorance of their own strength and resources as well as of their relative position with regard to other Nations....

The nobility and gentry then as now, inhabited spacious hotels, built after the fashion of those of the mother Country, solid and substantial; but still more destitute of all comfort or convenience. Their style of living was not generous or hospitable, although they sometimes gave costly and ostentatious entertainments. From their absurd pretensions to rank and from their unmeaning jealousy of each other, there never did exist that social intercourse among the higher orders, which in every other Country forms the chief charm of life. Here every man of distinction considered it beneath his dignity to visit his friends or neighbours, and remained in his own house, where in a large gloomy apartment dimly lighted and miserably furnished he received a few visitors of inferior rank who formed his tertulia [social gathering] of every night. It is not to be wondered at therefore that the sons of these men, equally uneducated with themselves, fled from the gloomy mansions of their fathers to the Theatre, the coffee houses or the gambling table; and this circumstance united to the absence of all excitement to industry, from the preference given by the Council of the Indies to Europeans for all appointments, rendered the Aristocracy of Mexico an ignorant and immoral race. The same state of society existed among the higher orders of the clergy and marked their character in the same unfavorable manner. The regular clergy formed from the very dregs of the people, was then and is now disgustingly debauched and ignorant. They have lost the influence they formerly possessed over the common people, and so sensible are they of the universal contempt which they have brought upon themselves by their unworthy conduct, that they would not oppose a thorough reform of their orders if the Government had courage to attempt it.

But what more particularly distinguishes the condition of the people in the Spanish colonies is the character of the labouring classes. That portion of America conquered by Spain was inhabited by a people in a high state of civilization for the age in which they lived. The higher classes fell [as] a sacrifice to the cruelty and rapacity of their Conquerors, and the common people were reduced to a state of the most abject slavery. The existence of this degraded race had a singular effect upon the character of the Spanish Settler. The poorest white man scorned to be placed on a level with the unfortunate Indian. His colour ennobled him, and Spaniards and their descendants would have perished rather than degrade their caste in America by working in the field, or by following any other laborious occupation in which the Indians are habitually employed. Here therefore is wanting that portion of a community which forms the strength of every nation, but especially of a Republic, a free and virtuous peasantry. The Indians cannot as yet be regarded in that light. They are laborious, patient and submissive, but are lamentably ignorant. They are emerging slowly from the wretched state to which they had been reduced; but they must be educated and released from the gross superstition under which they now labour before they can be expected to feel an interest in public affairs. The only political feeling these people now possess is a bitter hatred of the Spaniards or Gachupines as they call them, a hatred which has never ceased to exist, and which has been kept alive both by tradition and by constantly recurring instances of cruelty and oppression. Less attention has been paid by this Government to the establishment of primary schools than in any other part of Spanish America. This has been a lamentable oversight, for not only do the great mass of the population require to be educated in order that the real principles of a representative Government may be carried fully into operation; but to inspire them with a decent pride and to induce them to more constant labour and to employ their earnings in rendering their habitations comfortable and in purchasing clothing for themselves and their families. At present seven eighths of the population live in wretched hovels destitute of the most ordinary conveniences. Their only furniture a few coarse mats to sit and sleep on, their food indian corn, pepper and pulse, and their clothing miserably coarse and scanty. It is not that the low price of labor prevents them from earning a more comfortable subsistence in spite of the numerous festivals in each year, but they either gamble away their money, or employ it in pageants of the Catholic Church, in which pagan and Christian rites are strangely mingled. All these evils, if not cured entirely, would be greatly mitigated by education....

It appears then that the successful precautions taken by Spain to prevent all intercourse between Mexico and other Countries prevented the light of knowledge from penetrating into this Country. Not only were the Mexicans deprived of the means of keeping pace with the rapid progress of knowledge in other Countries during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; but the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed scarcely allowed them to retain the station they occupied at the time of the conquest. The emigrants from Spain who alone were permitted to settle in the Country were among the most ignorant and vicious of that people, who are notoriously a century behind the rest of Christian Europe. They were for the most part the favorites of great men, and came to lord over the creole, to occupy all the offices of honor and emolument and to keep the natives in subjection. As has been already remarked, one mode of effecting this object was to keep them even more ignorant than they were themselves. They were assisted in their efforts to this effect by a variety of causes. The want of means of acquiring knowledge, the absence of all excitement to exertion, the facility of procuring the means of subsistence almost without labour, a mild and enervating climate and their constant intercourse with the aborigines, who were and still are degraded to the very lowest class of human beings, all contributed to render the Mexicans a more ignorant and debauched people than their ancestors had been. Another cause operated still more strongly to produce this effect. The puerile ceremonies of their worship, and the excessive ignorance and shocking profligacy of the clergy. The creoles were taught from their infancy to revere their pastors as Superior beings and it is not therefore surprising that their pernicious example should have produced such melancholy results. When therefore we examine the actual condition of this people, we ought always to bear in mind the point from which they set out. They were in every respect, far behind the mother Country which is notoriously very inferior in moral improvement to all other Nations. They were not even equal to the other Spanish colonies in America, because their comparative importance and their vicinity to the United States rendered Spain more vigilant in preventing all intercourse with foreigners as well as the introduction of all works, which could enlighten their minds and inspire them with liberal ideas.

The Cosmic Race

José Vasconcelos

José Vasconcelos (1882-1959) was among the most important and influential Mexican intellectuals of the twentieth century. His childhood was spent partly on the U.S. Mexican border, where he attended schools in Eagle Pass, Texas. During his formative years, Vasconcelos developed a profound suspicion of Americans, whom he viewed as crassly pragmatic, arrogant, shallow, aggressive, and lacking in spirituality. Undoubtedly, he was also offended by the fact that many Americans continued to endorse ideas like those espoused earlier in the century by their compatriot Joel Poinsett. Like certain other Latin Americans of the turn of the century-such as the Uruguayan philosopher José Enrique Rodó, the Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío, and the Cuban patriot José Martí-Vasconcelos's thought developed in part as a reaction against North America and its materialistic values. He felt that Latin Americans must avoid imitating American culture, and that in order to do that successfully they would need a guiding philosophy, one that celebrated their strengths and virtues. In this spirit, he argued that the Latin American mestizo constituted a new race, a "cosmic race," which combined the virtues of Indians and Europeans. This, Vasconcelos believed, would be the race of the future.

While Vasconcelos's theory turned the white supremacist racism of the day on its head, it remains at heart a racist theory. By imputing inevitable characteristics to the various races of the earth, Vasconcelos engages in rather reckless stereotyping. His romantic notion of the spiritual essence of his people and of the soullessness of Anglo-Saxon culture, together with his increasing bitterness at the course of events in Mexico, would lead him to embrace fascism and anti-Semitism during World War II.

For all his failings, Vasconcelos remains a uniquely engaging figure. Active in the Mexican revolution from its earliest days, he would serve as Mexico's secretary of education, and in this capacity he acted with boundless energy and idealism. An advocate of Indian literacy, he greatly increased the presence of education in the countryside; his Ministry of Public Education produced massive quantities of inexpensive workbooks and textbooks; and the ministry's department of fine arts sponsored the work of some of Mexico's greatest modern artists, including the muralists Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros, as well as musicians Manuel M. Ponce and Julián Carrillo. At odds with the Mexican government after 5924, he ran unsuccessfully for president in 5929 in an energetic campaign plagued by violence and fraud on the part of the newly formed official government party.

Greece laid the foundations of Western or European civilization; the white civilization that, upon expanding, reached the forgotten shores of the American continent in order to consummate the task of re-civilization and re-population. Thus we have the four stages and the four racial trunks: the Black, the Indian, the Mongol, and the White. The latter, after organizing itself in Europe, has become the invader of the world, and has considered itself destined to rule, as did each of the previous races during their time of power. It is clear that domination by the whites will also be temporary, but their mission is to serve as a bridge. The white race has brought the world to a state in which all human types and cultures will be able to fuse with each other. The civilization developed and organized in our times by the whites has set the moral and material basis for the union of all men into a fifth universal race, the fruit of all the previous ones and amelioration of everything past....

Let us recognize that it was a disgrace not to have proceeded with the cohesion demonstrated by those to the north, that prodigious race which we are accustomed to lavish with insults only because they have won each hand at the secular fight. They triumph because they join to their practical talents the clear vision of a great destiny. They keep present the intuition of a definite historical mission, while we get lost in the labyrinth of verbal chimeras.


Excerpted from THE MEXICO READER Copyright © 2002 by Duke University Press
Excerpted by permission. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.

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