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This document formally announces that 13 former British colonies have become the free and independent United States of America. It eloquently identifies certain historic principles on which their claim to independence rests.
The Constitution provides an organizational blueprint for the national government and for the federal relationship between the national government and the states. In addition, the first 10 amendments, commonly known as the Bill of Rights, spell out limits on what the government can do. A commentary accompanying the actual document provides a brief account of the writing of the Constitution and also notes some of its significant features.
James Madison argues in support of the union of the 13 states under the new Constitution. According to Madison, a system of representative democracy governing a large territory and many people will help control the undesirable effects of “faction.”
According to James Madison, both the separation of powers among three branches of government and the division of powers between the states and the central government will help preserve representative democracy under the new Constitution.
Geoffrey Nunberg discusses how, since the 1970s, Republicans and conservatives have produced successful rhetoric about “big government” and what Democrats and liberals should do in response.
James Traub reports the extent of anti-Americanism abroad, even among prominent citizens of close allies such as the United Kingdom. He also suggests what the United States might do to stem the anti-American tide.
Sam Pizzigati addresses inequalities of wealth and income in the United States since the nineteenth century and the disproportionate consumption of resources by residents of wealthier countries around the world. He proposes a “Ten Times Rule” to reduce inequalities in the United States.
Edward Welch laments the tendency to shift taxes on wealth to taxes on work and argues that such a shift is contrary to Gospel values.
Jonah Goldberg discusses the problem of Big Government. He argues that just because it is desirable that government provide basic services such as fire protection there is no reason to expand the reach of government unnecessarily.
The author explores various facets of American exceptionalism in the areas of treaty obligations and human rights. He argues that the double standards so often practiced by the U.S. ultimately undermine universal values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
On both legal and political grounds, the authors defend the Bush administration’s policy of housing unlawful combatants at Guantanamo and not extending to the Geneva Convention protections for POWs.
Ramesh Ponnuru suggests a compromise proposal relating to the gay marriage controversy: that individual states decide what government benefits gay couples receive, without according any legal standing to their relationships.
This selection reports the Supreme Court’s 2005 decision that enables local governments to take possession of private property more readily and describes public reaction to it.
Neil Munro explores the sorts of legal and constitutional issues that may well result from the development of new technological capacities in the foreseeable future.
Conrad Black assesses the Bush presidency, compares it with the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt, and concludes that George W. Bush is presiding over a successful and consequentialist presidency.
Laura Rozen argues that the positive impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the Bush presidency is over. The Hurricane Katrina disaster, Americans’ growing doubts about the president’s rationale for going to war in Iraq, and their growing concerns about the prospects for establishing a stable regime in Iraq have all contributed to the end of the post-9/11 era of the Bush presidency.
David Rothkopf describes the inner circles of the Bush administration’s national security policy-making group. Vice president Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld are among those discussed.
Stephen Walt describes who is blaming whom for what in the context of the on-going military activities in Iraq. He argues that ultimately President Bush should and will be held responsible for success or failure.
This selection identifies five main ways that President Bush uses religious rhetoric and compares his use of such language to that of his predecessors.
Eric Alterman argues that the Bush administration has been seeking to undermine credibility of news media by secrecy, lies, and “fake news.”
Michael Crowley chronicles the tactics that Republican Newt Gingrich used to gain control of the House of Representatives for his party in 1994 and suggests that Democrats of today should try to learn from Gingrich’s success.
Lee Hamilton defends Congress against a series of frequently voiced criticisms of the institution and of its individual members.
John Nichols describes the distinctive political style of Congressman Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the only socialist member of Congress.
David Garrow explains that the current justices of the Supreme Court differ greatly from their predecessors who served on the Court in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s.
Stuart Taylor notes that today’s Supreme Court justices have different professional backgrounds than their predecessors, with the result being that contemporary justices have lost touch with the real world.
Bruce Ackerman argues that Justices Scalia and Thomas are neoconservative revolutionaries and that the Senate should not allow individuals like them to join the Supreme Court.
Ramesh Ponnuru summarizes prevailing views about what sorts of questions may and may not be asked of Supreme Court nominees and argues that those views are flawed.
Tim Starks reports that the Bush administration initiatives to overhaul personnel policies, mostly in the Department of Homeland Security, have not been implemented.
Ernest May, as historian and a consultant to the 9/11 Commission, explains how and why the 9/11 Commission’s final report was written as history, which is unusual for a government commission report.
Ted Halstead engages in what he calls “an intellectual audit” of America’s two major parties, and he arrives at an interesting distinction between the two parties that is reflected in the title of this selection.
Andrew Sullivan distinguishes “conservatism of faith” and “conservatism of doubt,” two rival approaches that seem to be creating fundamental discord within the contemporary Republican party.
Matt Bai focuses on the importance of how Republicans and Democrats frame their messages and suggests that in recent decades Republicans have been more adept in this crucial element of American political debate.
The authors summarize conventional understandings of the importance of the median voter in explaining the behavior of Republicans and Democrats in seeking to win elections. They argue that those conventional understandings no longer seem to be operating in contemporary American politics.
Stephen Slivinski surveys what he calls "the Republican spending binge" that has occurred since George W. Bush became President in 2001. According to Slivinski, Republican members of Congress have also contributed to recent budgetary extravagance.
Robert Pastor identifies “dysfunctional decentralization” as the central cause of problems in America’s election system and compares the various dimensions of the U.S.’s system with those of other countries.
Dean Murphy explores the vexing question of who should draw the lines dividing state legislative and congressional districts and according to what criteria districts should be shaped.
Richard Nadler reports the efforts of conservative “527 committees” to increase blacks’ and Hispanics’ support for Republican George W. Bush during the 2004 presidential election campaign and summarizes his own role in those partly successful efforts.
Allison Hayward proposes a system of mandatory voting in the United States and presents the merits of her proposal.
Jason Steorts explains the way that the national government’s sugar loan program benefits sugar producers at the expense of American consumers. He attributes the protectionist program to the campaign contributions of the sugar lobby to politicians running for office.
John Cochran reports the growing list of interests in which evangelical interest groups are becoming involved and focuses in particular on recent efforts by such groups to take up environmental causes.
Adriel Bettelheim reports that the lobbying efforts of major automakers are meeting with less success in Congress than in the past.
Christina Larson suggests that political marches and demonstrations are not judged the way they once were. Standards for evaluation have shifted from success in affecting government policies to the feeling of those who participated.
Terry Eastland chronicles the rise and decline of traditional news media in the US and the role of so-called new media in that process. He also assesses prospects for the future of media in the United States.
Mark Blitz analyzes the way that news media currently operate in the American political system and suggests the sort of news media that Americans deserve.
Marc Fisher identifies the crucial role that traditional news media—newspapers, radio, and television—played in the immediate aftermath of the Hurricane Katrina disaster in New Orleans.
Michael Bassik describes the successful use of online advertising by presidential candidate John Kerry during his 2004 presidential campaign.
Paul Krugman says that a tax-cut crusade has dominated the last quarter-century of American politics. He examines the motives of those supporting that crusade and critically assesses its effects on American government both now and in the future.
Bruce Barcott details the working of clean air policies and regulations since the 1970 Clean Air Act and reports the big changes that the Bush administration has made in this area.
Ralph Nader proposes reform legislation to rein in corporations and prevent corporate excesses. His proposal aims to ensure that companies serve the public good.
Fred Baumann argues that, even in the post-9/11 era, the Vietnam War continues to play a big role in contemporary American foreign policy making.
Walter Russell Mead observes that the United States exercises more than one kind of power in the world today. He focuses on the importance of American economic might, which he calls “sticky power,” in anchoring the US’s position in global affairs.
Murray Weidenbaum places U.S. military spending in historical perspective and shows that the percentage of the nation’s GDP devoted to military spending has declined significantly and continuously since World War II.
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