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9780415937801

Distinctiveness, Coercion and Sonority

by
  • ISBN13:

    9780415937801

  • ISBN10:

    0415937809

  • Format: Hardcover
  • Copyright: 2001-10-19
  • Publisher: Routledge

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Supplemental Materials

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Summary

This volume proposes a unified weight theory that challenges traditionally held beliefs regarding the vowel/consonant dichotomy inherent in moraicity and illuminates many previously intractable issues.

Table of Contents

Preface xi
Acknowledgements xiii
Syllable Weight: Descriptive Generalizations
3(18)
Introduction
3(8)
What is syllable weight?
5(2)
Moraic Theory
7(1)
Superheavy and Extra-light Syllables
8(2)
Summary
10(1)
Two Sources of Weight: Coerced and Distinctive
11(8)
Coerced Weight
11(4)
Coerced Weight Summary
15(1)
Distinctive Weight
15(4)
Distinctive Weight Summary
19(1)
Summary of Weight Descriptive Generalizations
19(2)
Optimality Theory, Typology and Constraints
21(20)
Optimality Theory and Typology
21(1)
Constraints
22(9)
General Moraic Markedness Constraints and Sonority
22(2)
Coercive Moraic Markedness Constraints
24(2)
Correspondence Theory and Moraic Faithfulness Constraints
26(3)
MaxLink and DepLink versus Max and Dep
29(2)
Constraint Interactions and Weight Patterns
31(8)
Factorial Ranking and ``Pure'' Coerced Weight
32(1)
Factorial Ranking and ``Pure'' Distinctive Weight
33(3)
Interactions between Distinctive and Coerced Weight
36(3)
Summary
39(2)
Segment Weight Typology
41(66)
Introduction
41(1)
Coerced Weight
41(18)
Coerced Vowel Length
42(1)
No Coerced Vowel Length
43(1)
Coerced Length for All Vowels
44(2)
Coerced More-sonorous Vowel Length
46(1)
Summary of Coerced Vowel Length
46(1)
Coerced Consonant Weight
47(1)
No Coerced Consonant Weight
48(1)
Coerced Weight for All Consonants
49(2)
Coerced More-sonorous Consonant Weight
51(1)
Summary of Coerced Consonant Weight
52(1)
Coerced Consonant and Vowel Weight
53(5)
Summary of Coercive Weight Patterns
58(1)
Distinctive Weight
59(26)
Distinctiveness of Vowel Length
59(1)
No Distinctive Vowel Length
60(4)
Distinctive Vowel Length for All Vowels
64(3)
Distinctive Length for Less-sonorous Vowels Only
67(3)
Distinctive Length for More-sonorous Vowels Only
70(2)
Distinctiveness of Consonant Weight
72(1)
No Distinctive Consonant Weight
73(2)
Distinctive Consonant Weight for All Consonants
75(3)
Distinctive Weight for Less-sonorous Consonants Only
78(4)
Distinctive Weight for More-sonorous Consonants Only
82(2)
Distinctive Consonant and Vowel Weight
84(1)
Summary of Distinctive Weight Patterns
85(1)
Interactions between Coerced and Distinctive Weight
85(19)
Distinctive Vowel Length Neutralization
86(10)
Distinctive Consonant Weight Neutralization
96(7)
Distinctive Consonant Weight and Vowel Length Neutralization
103(1)
Summary
104(3)
Case Studies
107(124)
Hawaiian Syllable Weight
107(5)
Data
107(1)
Analysis
108(3)
Summary
111(1)
Italian Syllable Weight and Stress Assignment
112(19)
Data---Vowel Length, Consonant Weight, and Syllabification
112(2)
Analysis
114(1)
Core Syllable Weight
114(4)
Penultimate Stress and Vowel Lengthening
118(3)
Antepenultimate Stress
121(1)
Weight by Position
122(1)
Weight Sensitivity
123(2)
Exceptional Stress
125(3)
Raddoppiamento Sintattico (Syntactic Doubling)
128(2)
Summary
130(1)
Kashmiri Syllable Weight and Stress Assignment
131(23)
Background and Data
132(1)
Distinctive Weight
133(1)
Stress and Representations
134(3)
Analysis
137(1)
Distinctive Vowel Weight
137(2)
Stress
139(4)
Closed Syllables
143(2)
Heavy Syllable Interactions
145(2)
Summary of the Analysis of Kashmiri
147(1)
Theoretical Issues
148(1)
Peak Prominence
148(4)
Unattested Stress Patterns
152(2)
Summary
154(1)
Moraicity in Two Hungarian Dialects
154(30)
Description and Data
155(1)
Description of Vowels
155(1)
Description of Consonants
156(1)
Syllable Weight
157(1)
Vowel Length Neutralization
157(2)
Consonant Weight Neutralization
159(3)
Analysis
162(1)
Vowel Length
162(9)
Consequence
171(2)
Consonant Weight
173(10)
Summary
183(1)
Icelandic Phonology: A Unified Account
184(19)
Background Data
184(1)
Medial Syllabification
184(1)
Syllable Weight and Stress
185(1)
Sonorant Devoicing
185(1)
Stop Deaspiration
186(1)
Preaspiration
186(1)
Analysis
187(1)
Canonical Weight
187(6)
Syllabification
193(1)
Distinctive Aspiration in Stressed Syllables---All Dialects
194(1)
Unstressed Syllable Aspiration
195(1)
Medial Sonorant Devoicing
196(3)
Preaspiration
199(3)
Why No Moraic Aspirated Stops?
202(1)
Summary
203(1)
Metropolitan New York English
203(23)
English Vowels (General)
204(2)
New York English Vowels
206(3)
Analysis
209(1)
Bimoraic Monosyllables
210(2)
Distinctive Non-Low Vowel Length in Closed Monosyllables
212(3)
Long Low Back Vowels in Closed Monosyllables
215(1)
Distinctive Low Front Vowel Length in Closed Monosyllables
216(2)
Long Low Front Vowels in Closed Monosyllables
218(3)
Disyllables
221(4)
Summary
225(1)
Summary
226(5)
Miscellaneous Issues and General Conclusions
231(36)
No Need for *Long-Vowel and *Geminate Constraints
232(6)
Holt (1997)
232(3)
No *Long-Vowel Constraint
235(2)
No *Geminate Constraint
237(1)
Summary
237(1)
Shared Morae and Phonetic Correlations (Broselow et al 1997)
238(9)
Hindi
240(2)
Malayalam
242(2)
Levantine Arabic
244(2)
Summary
246(1)
Positive Versus Negative Moraic Markedness Constraints
247(7)
Ease of Formulation and Evaluation
247(4)
Distinctive Moraicity
251(2)
Summary
253(1)
Heavy Geminates and Light Codas (Tranel 1991)
254(10)
Modern Standard Swedish
261(2)
Summary
263(1)
General Conclusions
264(3)
Bibliography 267(8)
Index 275

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