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Preface | p. ix |
Indo-European laryngeals in the light of Afroasiatic | p. 1 |
The etymology of Nordic kuna 'woman' | p. 27 |
Predicting Indo-European syllabification through phonotactic analysis | p. 33 |
A new sound law of PIE: Initial **h3u > *h2u | p. 53 |
The fate of PIE final *-r in Vedic and Latin | p. 73 |
Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hefhitischen -ie/a- Verben | p. 97 |
The Germanic reflexes of PIE *-sr- in the context of Verners Law | p. 117 |
Non-raising before *¿ in Old Irish | p. 129 |
The RUKI-rule in Nuristani | p. 145 |
Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European | p. 169 |
Palatalization of *sk in British Celtic | p. 209 |
Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European: The case of fricative clusters | p. 223 |
The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite | p. 243 |
Consonant gradation in the Germanic iterative verbs | p. 263 |
Typology and reconstruction | p. 291 |
Optimale Onsets in Indogermanischen | p. 331 |
On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European *-ske/o-presents | p. 361 |
Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic: A synchronic and diachronic interface | p. 381 |
Remarks on PIE amphikinetic and hysterokinetic nouns | p. 399 |
Germanic and the ruki dialects | p. 425 |
Laryngeal features of Armenian dialects | p. 435 |
Anatolian laryngeals in Milyan | p. 459 |
PIE 'me' and a new Lydian sound law | p. 485 |
On ancient Kartvelian-Indo-European lexical contacts and their consequences for Proto-Indo-European | p. 501 |
Lenition of s in Gaulish? | p. 523 |
PIE mobile accent in Italic: Further evidence | p. 545 |
Euphratic: A phonological sketch | p. 577 |
Notiz zur holokinetischen Ablautklasse | p. 607 |
A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic | p. 613 |
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