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Acknowledgments | p. xvi |
Abbreviations | p. xviii |
Introduction | p. 1 |
No Special Syntactic Configuration | p. 7 |
The complementation structure of coordinate complexes | p. 9 |
Introduction | p. 9 |
The binary-branching constituency of coordinate complexes | p. 10 |
The asymmetry between conjuncts in binding | p. 11 |
The asymmetry between conjuncts in possessee pronominalization | p. 12 |
The asymmetry between conjuncts in hosting coordinators | p. 13 |
The asymmetry between conjuncts in coordinator floating | p. 14 |
Conclusion and Dik's challenges | p. 16 |
The complementation structure of coordinate complexes | p. 19 |
The dubious status of agreement in the syntax of coordination | p. 21 |
The impossibility for external conjuncts to be stranded | p. 21 |
The possible interactions between coordinators and internal conjuncts | p. 26 |
Extraction from both internal and external conjuncts | p. 30 |
The syntactic relation between conjuncts: conclusions | p. 31 |
The possible modifier function of conjuncts | p. 33 |
The issue of so-called bar-level sharing | p. 35 |
Chapter summary | p. 40 |
No Special Syntactic Category | p. 41 |
The categorial makeup of coordinate complexes | p. 43 |
Introduction | p. 43 |
The categories of coordinators and conjuncts | p. 44 |
Coordinators without c-selection restrictions | p. 45 |
Coordinators with c-selection restrictions | p. 46 |
Representing the categorial dependency of coordinators on conjuncts | p. 49 |
The categorial makeup of coordinate complexes | p. 50 |
Coordinate complexes headed by and-like coordinators | p. 50 |
Categorial features of coordinators that have c-selection restrictions | p. 57 |
Categorial unification in Spec-Head and Head-Complrelations | p. 59 |
Against &P | p. 60 |
The distributions of coordinate complexes are covered by simplexes | p. 61 |
Neither closed classes nor case inflection argue for &P | p. 63 |
Retrospection | p. 64 |
Against the Clausal Conjunct Hypothesis | p. 65 |
The structure of coordinate complexes composed of more than two conjuncts | p. 69 |
The coordinator must be grouped with an edge conjunct | p. 71 |
The category decisiveness of non-final conjuncts in English | p. 72 |
Borsley's arguments against the layered complementation in English | p. 73 |
Chapter summary | p. 75 |
No Special Syntactic Constraint | p. 77 |
The Conjunct Constraint and the lexical properties of coordinators | p. 79 |
Introduction | p. 79 |
The CCi and CCe | p. 79 |
Previous approaches to the CC | p. 81 |
A new account of the CC | p. 85 |
The CCi and the asymmetry in conjunct drop | p. 88 |
Conjunct drop in right-branching coordinate complexes | p. 88 |
Conjunct drop in left-branching coordinate complexes | p. 89 |
Clause-final coordinator-like elements | p. 90 |
The CCe and the Chinese de constructions | p. 92 |
Two kinds of de constructions | p. 93 |
The various categories of kernel-final constructions | p. 95 |
De as the head of the whole complex | p. 97 |
The chameleon-like nature of de keeps the kernel elements in situ | p. 105 |
The CCe and the he/gen comitative constructions in Chinese | p. 107 |
Introduction: he/gen constructions in Chinese | p. 108 |
Coordinator properties of the comitative he/gen | p. 109 |
Violation of the CCe in non-distributive coordination | p. 114 |
Chapter summary | p. 122 |
The Element Constraint and the semantic relatedness of conjuncts | p. 124 |
Introduction | p. 124 |
Asymmetrical coordination as a type of natural coordination | p. 124 |
Natural coordination | p. 124 |
Asymmetrical coordination | p. 127 |
Some formal contrasts between natural and accidental coordination | p. 128 |
The EC violation in asymmetrical coordination | p. 135 |
Chapter summary | p. 139 |
Three puzzles solved by rejecting the CSC | p. 141 |
Introduction | p. 141 |
Deriving Split Argument Constructions by giving up the CC | p. 141 |
The Split Argument Construction (SAC) | p. 141 |
The two DPs of a SAC form a coordinate complex | p. 145 |
Deriving SACs by conjunct raising | p. 145 |
Section summary | p. 153 |
Deriving Modifier-Sharing Constructions by giving up the CC | p. 154 |
The Modifier-Sharing Construction (MSC) | p. 154 |
MSCs have coordinate antecedents | p. 155 |
Deriving MSCs by sideward conjunct raising | p. 160 |
A comparison with the multiple dimensional analysis | p. 166 |
Section summary | p. 167 |
Deriving Interwoven Dependency Constructions by giving up the EC | p. 168 |
The Interwoven Dependency Construction (IDC) | p. 169 |
Previous analyses | p. 171 |
IDCs exhibit parallel movement dependencies | p. 172 |
Deriving IDCs by sideward extraction from conjuncts | p. 173 |
Section summary | p. 175 |
Chapter summary | p. 176 |
Relativized parallelism in syntactic complexes | p. 177 |
Introduction | p. 177 |
The Relativized Parallelism Requirement (RPR) | p. 178 |
The Coordination of Likes Constraint and other similar constraints | p. 178 |
The RPR: conjuncts must hold a coherence relation | p. 181 |
The components of the RPR | p. 183 |
Examples of the semantic relatedness between conjuncts | p. 183 |
Examples of the resemblance between conjuncts in semantic types | p. 186 |
The CLC: two further issues | p. 190 |
Examples of the resemblance between conjuncts in dependency chains | p. 192 |
The RPR in language processing | p. 195 |
The more tightly semantically connected, the easier to process | p. 195 |
The more parallel in merged structures, the easier to process | p. 196 |
The more parallel in dependency chains, the easier to process | p. 197 |
The nature of the RPR | p. 198 |
The RPR is a filter on representations of syntactic complexes | p. 198 |
The general economy motivation of the RPR | p. 201 |
Chapter summary and conclusions for Part III | p. 202 |
No Special Syntactic Operation | p. 205 |
The derivation of coordinate clauses with identity adjectives | p. 207 |
Introduction | p. 207 |
The identity adjective same | p. 208 |
The general plural-¿ licensing of identity adjectives | p. 208 |
Major questions about the syntax of TLCs | p. 213 |
Building well-formed conjuncts of TLCs | p. 214 |
The existence of a silent nominal in the second conjunct | p. 214 |
The interpretation of the silent argument in the second conjunct | p. 215 |
The syntactic category of the silent argument in the second conjunct | p. 216 |
Extraction of SEs out of their licensing coordinate complexes | p. 216 |
The extraction of SEs out of first conjuncts | p. 217 |
Carlson's constraint and the motivation for the SE extraction | p. 218 |
The silence of the pro-form in the second conjunct of a TLC | p. 220 |
Chapter summary | p. 221 |
Forming Across-the-Board constructions without forking movement | p. 222 |
Introduction | p. 222 |
ATB constructions as TLCs | p. 222 |
The identity readings of ATB constructions | p. 223 |
The syntactic reality of a silent argument in the second conjunct | p. 225 |
The correspondence between extraction and identity readings | p. 229 |
The compatibility between two types of wh-expressions | p. 231 |
The respectively readings of certain ATB constructions | p. 233 |
Munn's respectively readings | p. 233 |
The availability of respectively readings in modification constructions | p. 234 |
A comparison with other approaches | p. 236 |
The characteristics of our approach | p. 237 |
The null operator approach | p. 237 |
The multiple dimensional approach | p. 238 |
The deletion approach | p. 240 |
The sideward movement approach | p. 240 |
Chapter summary and conclusions of Part IV | p. 241 |
Conclusions | p. 242 |
References | p. 247 |
Index | p. 267 |
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