Ellipsis in Comparatives

by Lechner, Winfried; Van Riemsdijk, Henk; Van Der Hulst, Harry; Koster, Jan

• ISBN13: 9783110181180
• ISBN10: 3110181185
• Format: Hardcover
• Copyright: 2004-12-30
• Publisher: Mouton De Gruyter

Summary

The present monograph defends a new, semantically transparentaccount of the comparative construction, which incorporates novelanalyses of various phenomena related to the complex interdependenciesbetween word-order, ellipsis and interpretation. In particular, thestudy discusses the implications of two central hypotheses: (i)Comparative Deletion and Comparative Ellipsis do not representconstruction specific operations, but can be subsumed under standardlysanctioned movement and deletion processes. (ii) Phrasal comparativesare not-base-generated, but derive from a clausal source.

Table of Contents

Chapter 1 Introduction	1	(8)
1. Synopsis of chapter 2: Comparative Deletion	2	(3)
2. Synopsis of chapters 3 and 4: Comparative Ellipsis	5	(4)
Chapter 2 Comparative Deletion	9	(80)
1. Introduction	9	(5)
1.1. Locality and the identification of ellipsis	10	(1)
1.2. Semantic approaches towards CD-resolution	11	(3)
2. Identification of CD in syntax	14	(8)
2.1. Disjoint reference effects	14	(3)
2.2. Reflexives and reciprocals	17	(1)
2.3. Coordinate Structure Constraint	18	(4)
3. The syntax of NP-comparatives	22	(29)
3.1. The Degree Phrase	22	(3)
3.2. Against extraposition of the than-XP	25	(4)
3.3. A new structure for prenominal AP's	29	(9)
3.3.1. Low attachment of the than-XP	30	(7)
3.3.2. Low attachment of the degree variable	37	(1)
3.4. A new analysis of Comparative Deletion	38	(13)
3.4.1. Head Raising	38	(2)
3.4.2. Head raising and comparatives	40	(6)
3.4.3. Four direct consequences of AP-Raising	46	(5)
4. The semantics of NP-comparatives	51	(6)
4.1. The representation of gradable adjectives	52	(1)
4.2. Interpreting the comparative complement	53	(3)
4.3. Interpreting the matrix clause	56	(1)
5. Prenominal vs. postnominal comparatives	57	(10)
5.1. Variable size of the CD-site	57	(4)
5.2. Upper bound on the size of the CD-site	61	(1)
5.3. Intersective and subsective readings	62	(3)
5.4. Reconstruction and Principle C	65	(2)
6. Semantic properties of the CD-site	67	(19)
6.1. Weak and Strong Crossover	67	(6)
6.2. De dicto readings	73	(16)
6.2.1. The operator binds an e-type trace	74	(3)
6.2.2. The operator binds an [e,t]-type trace 75
6.2.3. Against existential closure in semantics	77	(9)
6.2.4. The operator binds an [[e,t],t>-type trace 81
7. Move Alpha without Form Chain	86	(3)
Chapter 3 Comparative Ellipsis	89	(96)
1. Introduction	89	(5)
1.1. Comparative Ellipsis: the CR-Hypothesis	91	(1)
1.2. Phrasal comparatives: the PC-Hypothesis	92	(2)
1.3. Outline	94	(1)
2. The Weak CR-Hypothesis	94	(20)
2.1. Goals and preliminaries	94	(3)
2.2. Gapping in coordination and in comparatives	97	(16)
2.3. Resume	113	(1)
3. The PC/CR-Hypothesis	114	(48)
3.1. Introduction: the strong CR-Hypothesis	114	(1)
3.2. Categorizing the evidence	115	(3)
3.3. Internal conditions and the shape of the than-XP	118	(12)
3.3.1. Internal conditions on Gapping: PCs vs. PRCs	119	(5)
3.3.2. Hankamer's Puzzle	124	(3)
3.3.3. The distribution of prepositions	127	(3)
3.3.4. Resume and outlook	130	(1)
3.4. Identifying the external conditions	130	(11)
3.4.1. Gapping and *Embedding	133	(4)
3.4.2. RNR and *Embedding	137	(1)
3.4.3. Intraposition and extraposition	138	(3)
3.5. External conditions and the position of than-XPs	141	(10)
3.5.1. The position of PCs	141	(3)
3.5.2. Comparing the distribution of PCs and PRCs	144	(3)
3.5.3. Influence of matrix V2	147	(4)
3.6. ATB movement	151	(4)
Appendix: Object and adjunct comparatives	155	(7)
1. Regular object/adjunct comparatives	155	(4)
2. Irregular subject comparatives	159	(3)
4. Additional restrictions on Comparative Coordination	162	(17)
4.1. A problem for the analysis	162	(1)
4.2. Assumptions: clause structure, CDSC and CSC	163	(3)
4.3. Big conjuncts: AgrSP-coordination	166	(5)
4.4. Intermediate conjuncts: TP-coordination	171	(7)
4.5. Small conjuncts: AspP/VP-coordination	178	(1)
5. Re-evaluation of counter arguments	179	(3)
6. Summary	182	(3)
Chapter 4 Comparative Coordination	185	(44)
1. Introduction	185	(1)
2. Deriving the coordinate parse	185	(13)
2.1. Structural ambiguity and TR	186	(4)
2.2. TR and the size of ellipsis	190	(8)
3. Testing the TR-analysis	198	(20)
3.1. Binding scope and the size of ellipsis	199	(5)
3.2. The PC-Hypothesis and direct analyses	204	(14)
3.2.1. Heim (1985)	204	(3)
3.2.2. An argument against a direct analysis	207	(11)
4. Coordination vs. subordination	218	(11)
4.1. Coordination: syntactic vs. semantic conditions	218	(6)
4.2. Conditions on subordination and coordination	224	(5)
Chapter 5 Conclusion	229	(6)
1. The AP-Raising Hypothesis	229	(3)
2. The PC/CR-Hypothesis	232	(3)
Notes	235	(28)
References	263	(16)
Subject index	279	(4)
Author index	283