Universals of Sound Change in Nasalization

by Hajek, John

• ISBN13: 9780631204565
• ISBN10: 0631204563
• Edition: 1st
• Format: Paperback
• Copyright: 1998-02-04
• Publisher: Wiley-Blackwell

Summary

This book is the first detailed study since the 1970s of the characteristics of distinctive nasalization in sound change. Relying on copious cross-linguistic and experimental phonetic data, it evaluates the accuracy of universalist claims about nasalization phenomena, as well as the ability or otherwise of phonological formalism since the 1980s to describe sound change properly. It also examines the extent to which sound change is influenced by prosodic factors. Language data used in the study is drawn from around the world, with special focus given to historical developments in the Romance dialects of Northern Italy.

Author Biography

Dr. John Hajek is currently Lecturer in Italian and is Australian Research Council Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Linguistics at the University of Melbourne.

Table of Contents

List of Figures	xii	(1)
List of Tables	xiii	(1)
Note on Transcription and Abbreviations	xiv
Introduction	1	(3)
Chapter 1 Sound Change and Language Universals: Representations and Models of Change	4	(28)
1.1 Introduction	4	(8)
1.1.1 Phonetics, phonology and the non-randomness of sound change	4	(1)
1.1.2 Language-like vs. logically possible substantive constraints on formal representations	5	(2)
1.1.3 What is a universal?	7	(2)
1.1.4 Diachrony and synchrony	9	(2)
1.1.5 Diachrony and directionality	11	(1)
1.2 Sound Change, Linguistic Structure and Lexical Phonology	12	(13)
1.2.1 The articulo-perceptual basis of sound change	18	(2)
1.2.1.1 A modified articulo-perceptual model of sound change	20	(3)
1.2.1.2 Sound change, experimental phonetics, teleology, and synchronic variation	23	(2)
1.3 Phonological Representations	25	(6)
1.3.1 The diachronic adequacy of autosegmental representation	27	(2)
1.3.2 The feature [nasal]	29	(2)
1.4 Conclusion	31	(1)
Chapter 2 The Data Base and Language Sampling: Methodological Issues and Background	32	(22)
2.1 Introduction	32	(5)
2.1.1 Methodological issues in language sample and data	32	(1)
2.1.2 Typological approaches to sampling method	32	(3)
2.1.3 A new language sample	35	(2)
2.2 The Principle of Diachronic Extrapolation	37	(15)
2.2.1 Latin and Post-Latin	39	(1)
2.2.2 Description of sample members	40	(1)
2.2.2.1 Latin	40	(4)
2.2.2.2 The Northern Italian dialects	44	(3)
2.2.3 Choosing the sample	47	(1)
2.2.3.1 Lombard: Milanese and Bergamese	47	(2)
2.2.3.2 Ligurian: Cairese	49	(1)
2.2.3.3 Emilian-Romagnol	50	(1)
2.2.3.4 Romagnol: Imolese, Lughese, Ravennate, Riminese	51	(1)
2.2.3.5 Bolognese	51	(1)
2.2.3.6 Rhaeto-Romance: Tavetschan	52	(1)
2.3 Conclusion	52	(2)
Chapter 3 Distinctive Vowel Nasalization and Rule Ordering	54	(29)
3.1 Introduction	54	(2)
3.1.1 Synchronic approaches to distinctive nasalization	54	(1)
3.1.2 The diachronic approach to distinctive nasalization	55	(1)
3.2 The N-DEL Model	56	(6)
3.2.1 Coalescence	56	(1)
3.2.2 Other versions of the N-DEL model	57	(1)
3.2.3 The Floating Nasal	58	(2)
3.2.4 N-attenuation	60	(1)
3.2.5 Ohalan Phonetic	61	(1)
3.3 The V-NAS Model	62	(7)
3.3.1 A new V-NAS model	63	(1)
3.3.1.1 The hyperarticulated V-NAS model: a digression	64	(1)
3.3.2 The nature of the new V-NAS model	65	(1)
3.3.2.1 Low-level regressive coarticulatory nasalization	65	(1)
3.3.2.2 Low-level vs. language-specific contextual nasalization	66	(2)
3.3.2.3 Language-specific vs. categorical rules in the post-lexical phonology	68	(1)
3.4 Comparing Models	69	(6)
3.4.1 The new V-NAS model and N-deletion	69	(1)
3.4.2 Degemination	70	(2)
3.4.3 Nasal dissimilation	72	(1)
3.4.4 Total cluster assimilation	73	(1)
3.4.4.1 Partial and complete denasalization	74	(1)
3.5 Distinctive Nasalization without Attenuation, Attrition or Deletion	75	(7)
3.5.1 Diachronic and synchronic aspects of VN vs. V$N	77	(3)
3.5.2 The implications for sound change and Lexical Phonology	80	(1)
3.5.3 Local vs. prosodic nasalization	80	(2)
3.6 Conclusions	82	(1)
Chapter 4 Universal Features of Vowel Nasalization and N-Deletion: The Effect of Vowel Length, Stress and the Foot	83	(33)
4.1 Introduction	83	(11)
4.1.1 The graduality of distinctive nasalization	83	(1)
4.1.2 Vowel length, nasalization and N-deletion	84	(4)
4.1.3 The Vowel Length Parameter	88	(1)
4.1.4 Phonetic evidence for the Vowel Length Parameter	89	(3)
4.1.5 Short nasal vowels, their origins and behaviour	92	(2)
4.2 Stress and Distinctive Nasalization	94	(10)
4.2.1 The effect of stressed vs. unstressed position	94	(2)
4.2.2 Pretonic vs. post-tonic position	96	(5)
4.2.3 Explaining the Tonic is much greater than Atonic stress parameter	101	(3)
4.3 Distinctive Nasalization and the Stress Foot	104	(11)
4.3.1 Oxytones, paroxytones and proparoxytones	106	(1)
4.3.2 Oxytonic distinctive nasalization	106	(2)
4.3.3 Proparoxytonic (antepenultimate) vs. paroxytonic (penultimate) position	108	(1)
4.3.4 A possible Foot Parameter	109	(1)
4.3.5 An explanation for the Foot Parameter	110	(2)
4.3.6 Oxytonic vowels in Italy: long or short?	112	(2)
4.3.7 Proparoxytonic vowel length	114	(1)
4.4 Conclusions	115	(1)
Chapter 5 Vowel Height, Vowel Quality and the Development of Distinctive Nasalization	116	(21)
5.1 Introduction	116	(8)
5.1.1 Universalists and vowel height	116	(1)
5.1.2 Evidence in support of the VHP: Old French	117	(2)
5.1.3 Evidence in support of the VHP in other languages	119	(2)
5.1.4 Developments in Northern Italian	121	(2)
5.1.5 Cross-linguistic counter-examples to the VHP	123	(1)
5.2 Phonetic Explanations for a Possible Vowel-Height Effect on the Development of Distinctive Nasalization	124	(6)
5.2.1 Vowel height and articulatory correlates of vowel nasalization	124	(1)
5.2.2 The velic opening hypothesis	125	(2)
5.2.3 Relative duration of vowel nasalization	127	(1)
5.2.4 Nasal airflow and nasal sound pressure levels	128	(2)
5.3 Vowel Height and the Perception of Nasalization	130	(3)
5.3.1 Evidence for a high is much greater than low parameter	130	(2)
5.3.2 Perceptual evidence for a low is much greater than high parameter	132	(1)
5.3.3 Evidence against a Vowel Height Parameter	133	(1)
5.4 Nasalization, N-deletion and Front vs. Back Vowels	133	(2)
5.4.1 Experimental evidence for a front vs. back distinction	134	(1)
5.5 Conclusions	135	(2)
Chapter 6 Contextual Ordering of Distinctive Nasalization	137	(24)
6.1 Introduction	137	(10)
6.1.1 Universalist claims about contextual effects	137	(2)
6.1.2 Contextual effects in Northern Italian and other Romance dialects	139	(8)
6.2 [+continuant] and Contextual Parameters	147	(3)
6.3 Are Contextual Parameters Universal?	150	(3)
6.3.1 Non-Romance counter-examples to the revised context parameter	152	(1)
6.3.2 Conclusions about universal contextual parameters	152	(1)
6.4 Explanations for the Contextual Parameters: A Role for the Vowel-Length Parameter?	153	(6)
6.4.1 Phonetic explanations for the contextual parameters	156	(1)
6.4.1.1 Nasal+Fricative clusters	156	(2)
6.4.1.2 Devoicing and N-deletion	158	(1)
6.4.1.3 The voicing contrast in N+Stop clusters	158	(1)
6.5 Conclusion	159	(2)
Chapter 7 Historical Development of Nasal Consonants and the Effect of N Place on Distinctive Nasalization	161	(19)
7.1 Introduction	161	(8)
7.1.1 Place of articulation, nasalization and N-deletion	161	(3)
7.1.2 Developments in Northern Italian	164	(4)
7.1.3 N-deletion elsewhere in the Romance-speaking area	168	(1)
7.2 N-Fortition and the Story of /m/	169	(3)
7.3 N Place, Distinctive Nasalization and N-Fortition in Northern Italy: Phonological and Phonetic Explanations for Interaction	172	(6)
7.3.1 N-fortition and secondary gemination of /m/ in Bolognese	176	(2)
7.4 Conclusions	178	(2)
Chapter 8 N-Deletion: Its Manner and Its Motivation	180	(23)
8.1 Introduction	180	(14)
8.1.1 Feature geometry and N-attrition	180	(2)
8.1.2 Skeletal slot deletion and temporal reduction	182	(2)
8.1.3 Root-Node deletion, Supralaryngeal Node deletion and Compensatory Lengthening	184	(3)
8.1.4 Non-temporal reduction	187	(1)
8.1.5 Deletion of the place node	188	(1)
8.1.6 Voicing assimilation and devoicing	189	(1)
8.1.7 Manner assimilation	190	(1)
8.1.8 Place shift and velarization	191	(2)
8.1.8.1 The development of [Eta] in Northern Italian	193	(1)
8.2 Syllable Structure Effects as a Rationale for N-deletion	194	(7)
8.2.1 A syllable account of N-deletion in Northern and Southern Italian	197	(1)
8.2.1.1 N-deletion and the syllabic template in Northern Italian	197	(2)
8.2.1.2 The syllabic template in Sardinian and Corsican	199	(2)
8.3 Conclusions	201	(2)
Chapter 9 Results and Conclusions	203	(12)
9.1 Introduction	203	(1)
9.2 Distinctive Nasalization and Universal Parameters of Sound Change	204	(9)
9.2.1 Areo-genetic bias in the Northern Italian sample	205	(1)
9.2.2 The ramifications of non-universality	205	(2)
9.2.3 Ordering constraints and parametric interaction	207	(2)
9.2.4 Phonetics and phonology	209	(1)
9.2.5 Sound change and the grammar	210	(1)
9.2.6 Distinctive nasalization and the formalism	210	(2)
9.2.7 Distinctive nasalization vs. fortition	212	(1)
9.3 Directions for Future Research	213	(2)
Notes	215	(12)
Bibliography	227	(20)
Indexes	247