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| INTRODUCTION | xiii | ||
| ROBERT L. BARTLEY | 1 | (6) | |
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| ROBERT D. NOVAK | 7 | (2) | |
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| BOB DOLE | 9 | (4) | |
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| MICHAEL BARONE | 13 | (6) | |
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| WILLIAM H. FRIST, M.D. | 19 | (4) | |
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| MARTIN ANDERSON | 23 | (4) | |
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| DAVID A. KEENE | 27 | (4) | |
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| MICHAEL MEDVED | 31 | (6) | |
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| RICK SANTORUM | 37 | (2) | |
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| TRENT LOTT | 39 | (2) | |
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| EDWIN MEESE III | 41 | (6) | |
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| J.C. WATTS, JR. | 47 | (4) | |
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| BILL OWENS | 51 | (2) | |
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| JON KYL | 53 | (4) | |
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| HENRY J. HYDE | 57 | (4) | |
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| G. GORDON ROBERT LIDDY | 61 | (2) | |
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| JIM DEMINT | 63 | (6) | |
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| P.J. O'ROURKE | 69 | (6) | |
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| PHIL GRAMM | 75 | (4) | |
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| CHRISTOPHER COX | 79 | (4) | |
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| LORD DOUGLAS HURD | 83 | (2) | |
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| PAUL M. WEYRICH | 85 | (2) | |
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| GROVER NORQUIST | 87 | (4) | |
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| FRANK FAHRENKOPF | 91 | (4) | |
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| CRAIG THOMAS | 95 | (2) | |
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| JAY NORDLINGER | 97 | (4) | |
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| ROBERT LIVINGSTON | 101 | (2) | |
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| SUZANNE FIELDS, PH.D. | 103 | (4) | |
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| EDWIN J. FEULNER, PH.D. | 107 | (4) | |
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| DONALD J. DEVINE, PH.D. | 111 | (6) | |
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| PETER BRIMELOW | 117 | (8) | |
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| KEN MEHLMAN | 125 | (4) | |
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| CHUCK HAGEL | 129 | (2) | |
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| KATHERINE HARRIS | 131 | (2) | |
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| ORRIN G. HATCH | 133 | (4) | |
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| MONA CHAREN | 137 | (4) | |
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| REED IRVINE | 141 | (4) | |
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| ADAM H. PUTNAM | 145 | (4) | |
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| JACK OLIVER | 149 | (2) | |
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| ZACH WAMP | 151 | (6) | |
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| PAUL RYAN | 157 | (2) | |
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| THOMAS A. SCHATZ | 159 | (2) | |
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| MICHAEL K. DEAVER | 161 | (4) | |
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| PETE SESSIONS | 165 | (6) | |
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| DARRELL ISSA | 171 | (2) | |
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| WALTER B. JONES | 173 | (2) | |
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| DR. MARVIN OLASKY | 175 | (4) | |
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| SCOTT MCINNIS | 179 | (2) | |
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| ROBERTA COMBS | 181 | (2) | |
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| JO ANN EMERSON | 183 | (2) | |
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| MICHAEL C. BURGESS, M.D. | 185 | (2) | |
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| DAVID VITTER | 187 | (2) | |
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| TODD TIAHRT | 189 | (6) | |
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| ROB SIMMONS | 195 | (6) | |
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| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS | 201 |
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A legacy of values, not just a label
To me "conservative" is a legacy of values that are at oncetimeless and vulnerable, not just a label. It is a faith; thehumbling perspective that not every change representsprogress; a fierce defense of individuals and national freedom;and a healthy skepticism toward institutions too large,too remote, and too impersonal to be truly democratic. Conservativesshare the Founders' fears over too much powerconcentrated in too few hands. We prefer organizing societyfrom the grassroots to dictating it from the top down.
Thomas Jefferson said, "The God who gave us life, gaveus liberty at the same time." Growing up on the edge of theDepression-era Dust Bowl, I was taught to put my trust inGod, not government, and never confuse the two. I eventuallycame to see conservatism as a creed of opportunity,rooted in the ability of seemingly ordinary people to accomplishextraordinary things. The worst of times brought out the best in my neighbors. In Russell, Kansas, adversitytested character. But it also bred a sense of responsibility forothers who were hurting.
In any event, when I returned from World War II, I wassustained by neighbors who were anything but stingy withtheir love and encouragement. I learned then, if I hadn't alreadyknown it, that there is no such thing as a wholly selfmademan or woman. Life has taught me well that thegreatness of America lies, not in the power of the government,but in the goodness of her people. That's why genuineconservatives trust people to make their own decisions andrealize their own dreams. We trust parents to choose thebest education for their children. We trust entrepreneurs togenerate new ideas and the jobs that follow. We entrusthard-earned dollars to the workers who earned them insteadof centralized bureaucracies that limit options and frustratedreams.
I confess that it took me years to fully understand conservatismand its many different interpretations. I was sometimescriticized as not being a "true" conservative byright-wing pundits and some one-issue special-interestgroups. Being a compassionate conservative in the 1970sand 1980s was not appreciated by the right-wing ideologues,most of whom never ran for any office or cast a voteon any issue.
Of course, for a long time even genuine conservativeswere the object of scorn, even ridicule from the Left ... you know, we were lampooned as little old ladies in tennis shoesworried about Communists under the bed and fluoride inour water supplies, our overstuffed tycoons in batwing collarswho were unwilling to look at the new moon out of respectfor the old one. Ironically it was Ronald Reagan, theoldest of American presidents, who proved the most youthfulof leaders. Far from living in the past, President Reaganlooked forward to a future in which all of God's childrenwere free, and all Americans celebrated the source of life andliberty.
Liberty, I might add, that should never be confused withlicense. Conservatives have no monopoly on virtue. Yet if weare true to our stated beliefs, we will take exceptions to apopular culture that all too often peddles trash for cash. Indeed,conservatives have a special responsibility, it seems tome -- precisely because we embrace what President Reagancalled the magic of the marketplace -- to raise our voices inprotest when the profit motive turns poisonous, coarseningour culture, polluting our air or airwaves.
In many ways my life traces the trajectory of Americanconservatism, from a marginalized faith in the bleak 1930sto triumph in the cold war to our current agenda-settingprimacy. Recent tests have confirmed that the tide of eventsflows our way. In the days since 9/11 we have all drawn inspirationfrom young Americans, many in uniform far fromhome defending our most cherished values. You don't hearanyone questioning the courage or character of Generation X these days. They know, just as surely as the heroes of Gettysburgor Omaha Beach, that freedom is never free. As a result,the world in 2004 is freer, more democratic, moreentrepreneurial, and more hopeful than at any time in mylife. That's why I remain what I proclaimed myself to be in1996—the most optimistic man in America.
Bob Dole, called "the most enduring Republican leader of the twentieth century," twice served as majority leader of the Senate. He currently serves as chairman of the International Commission on Missing Persons and of the National World War II Memorial.
Why I Am a Reagan Conservative. Copyright © by Michael Deaver. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. Available now wherever books are sold.
Excerpted from Why I Am a Reagan Conservative
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